The Methods And Activities Of Teaching Education Essay

Teaching method is the survey of the methods and activities of instruction ( Cambridge online lexicon ) . This Assignment will look at how we can associate teaching method in learning Applied ICT to a group of Year 11 pupils of assorted ability in a typical interior metropolis Secondary school, to the theories of larning which are the foundations of how we teach and learn. Based on what has been observed during a arrangement in the secondary school, and besides on farther reading it is hard to specify precisely what â€Å" larning † is, but for the intent of this assignment acquisition can be linked to alterations in behavior, apprehension, capableness and the cognition that is acquired by both instructors and students. In a simplistic position it can be said that there are many different theories of acquisition, but the two chief countries that underpin this in instruction are the humanistic attack, looking at what pupils â€Å" want to larn † , and the behavioral attack, concentrating on what â€Å" the instructor is desiring † the student to larn. It was noted that within the schoolroom and whilst on a school visit at that place seemed to be no important behavioral jobs within the group of students. Teaching Applied ICT gives the chance to travel out of the schoolroom environment and visit companies and administrations so that pupils are able to see ICT working in context within the workplace. Giving pupils this chance should assist them derive a broader cognition and apprehension of this topic, but taking pupils out of a schoolroom environment can make alterations in the behavior of pupils, and it is besides of import that the capableness of all the pupils is challenged. The Humanistic position to acquisition is that of ‘natural desire ‘ , where acquisition is student lead and personalized, and the function of the instructor is thought of as more of a facilitator. One of the cardinal premises of this humanistic position harmonizing to Huitt ( 2001 ) is the fact that people act deliberately and with values. Humanists believe that you should look at the person as a whole, and that it is of import to see how an person learns throughout their life as they grow and develop. Smith ( 1999 ) discusses the basic concern for the human potency of growing. It was noted that in some instances in the schoolroom environment pupils are non needfully come ining the schoolroom with the purpose of larning. As pupils have chiefly decided on taking to larn and prosecute in the subject of ICT within the 14-19 course of study, this suggests that at some phase the pupils did hold a natural desire to take up the topic in order to prosecute in the acquisition and hopefully come on onto makings. The possibility is that the existent desire of pupils on a twenty-four hours to twenty-four hours degree may be greatly different to the desire that they have to larn over a longer period of clip. Abraham Maslow ‘s Hierarchy of demands argues that people aim to run into basic demands first, and so they seek to run into in turn higher demands in the signifier of a hierarchy until they reach self-actualization, or self fulfillment. Behavior and acquisition is motivated by an persons desire for personal growing an the demand to go all the things that a individual is capable of going ( Maslow,1970 ) . Although non straight linked to the instruction of ICT within the schoolroom it is really important that pupils are likely to hold other demands other than that of larning in order to accomplish their true potency. I have noted on several occasions that pupils have non been concentrating during the beginning of lessons, even when the starting motor exercising has been accessed by the bulk of pupils. When these pupils were questioned, particularly during forenoon periods, the reply given was that they could non concentrate and they were hungry, which coincides with the lowest degree on the hierarchy. Maslow foremost introduced his construct of hierarchy in 1943 in his paper â€Å" A Theory of Human Motivation † , which was closely followed by his book â€Å" Motivation and Personality † . There are many facets of this theory that can be linked to the person ‘s motive either within the parturiencies of a lesson, or over a period of clip. These hierarchies are closely linked to the construct of ECM which is now high on the authorities ‘s docket for schools. There is nevertheless a few exclusions that often occur within this theoretical account, such as persons when questioned did experience safe and secure in the schoolroom environment even when they have non had breakfast. In the theoretical account it is merely possible to seek the safety of a secure environment when the physiological demands are met, hence another issue with this theoretical account is that there are no clip limits set. An person could perchance drop to the underside of the hierarchy within a lesson if a student has forgotten a jammed tiffin or their dinner money. They may get down to merely believe of where they are traveling to acquire their following repast. Closely linked with the humanistic attack theoretician David A. Kolb suggests â€Å" acquisition is the procedure whereby cognition is created through the transmutation of experience † Kolb, ( 1984, p. 38 ) . The theory consists of a rhythm which is in four phases, where you are able to get down at any one phase, but so each phase must follow in sequence: â€Å" Make † or Concrete experience â€Å" OBSERVE † or Brooding observation â€Å" Think † or Abstract conceptualisation â€Å" Plan † or Active experimentation Along with the larning rhythm Kolb besides offers a manner into understanding the single people ‘s acquisition manners. Within Applied ICT it is really helpful taking pupils out of the schoolroom and into organisations where they can ‘observe ‘ ICT working. Rather than learn pupils how and why the ICT is being used it was found to be more productive to allow the pupils experience the ICT working in the normal environment of an organisation before inquiring the pupils to organize sentiments on what the engineering may be used for. In the instance of detecting a working eating house, pupils were able to see restaurant staff taking orders and so walking back to the order desk to put the orders on a touch screen. Once observed the pupils reflected on why the staff were continually traveling towards the same computing machine terminus after taking orders, organizing an sentiment as to why they must be inputting the information into an ordination system for the kitchens. The pupils besides noted that it would besides be possible to utilize the same ordination system to associate the drinks orders to the saloon staff. All of this information was so confirmed by allowing pupils really taking an order themselves and come ining it into the order database, where they gained a concrete experience. Looking at how the pupils really learned, Kolb ‘s acquisition manners can get down to go understood. Some pupils found it much easier to understand the usage of engineering by come ining the order, and so reflecting on how this would be utile when watching the servers ( diverging ) . Assimilator scholars found that it was easier to gestate how the ordination would take topographic point before watching the order pickings and so reflecting on how this wasaˆÂ ¦aˆÂ ¦ Learners who had conceptualized the order pickings, but had non truly understood how and why the ordination worked through observations started understand more when they started to believe how it would work if they had really witnessed a drinks order being processed ( meeting ) . Finally the scholars who were ‘Accommodating ‘ merely understood truly what was traveling on when they non merely entered the orders themselves, but started to believe about which other types of orders could be placed on the system. The whole work of Kolb underpins the course of study and how it may be delivered in schools today, although readying for the trip was non simple as one of the issues with Kolb ‘s work is that vitamin E does non take into history the different attainment degrees to which the pupils are working at, therefore it was necessary to fix resources for the pupils at different degrees so that all pupils could prosecute with the acquisition and develop their cognition. The theory of multiple intelligences was developed by Howard Gardiner in 1983. He suggests that persons possess a figure of different independent intelligences ( at least seven ) , and that these can be acquired at different degrees. Gardner besides suggests that if persons have an ability to larn in a certain mode, they should be encouraged to develop their acquisition utilizing this endowment. Gardner material During instruction, the thought of pupils being able to develop their abilities to larn focussed planning on the single pupils and how to include and develop all pupils within the category. This attack closely links back to the Every Child Matters docket and how to develop the cognition of all persons within the schoolroom. Although concentrating on certain facets of Gardner ‘s intelligences, such as the verbal-linguistic and logical-mathematical abilities of pupils within the schoolroom it is besides of import to see the overall interpersonal and intrapersonal abilities of pupils more to supply a more rounded and balanced course of study. There is a demand to provide for pupils at different abilities, whether within the schoolroom, the twelvemonth group, or the cardinal phases. Depending on how pupils are grouped should impact the manner in which lessons are planned and delivered. Although some of the thoughts behind the theory of Gardner are used within the schoolroom the overall footing of the theory is non adequate to alter the manner in which persons are grouped, as at that place seems to be stronger influences that bind persons larning together, such as those described by Maslow. It is possible to distinguish within lessons so that an effort is made to assist the pupils to larn to the best of their ability. How far you can continue with this construct whilst taking into history that pupils are on the whole grouped together in age instead than overall ability, and besides sing the ability of the instructors to develop the lessons with the equipment and resources available makes it hard to do a judgement on whether each kid is larning to the best of their ability. No affair what the ability of pupils there is a theory that suggests that by detecting and copying behaviour, this can take pupils to ‘think for themselves ‘ , which is cardinal to a pupil ‘s patterned advance throughout their instruction. The Social Learning Theory developed by Bandura ( 1977 ) stresses closely the nexus between pupils detecting behaviours that may hold been modeled and copying these, taking to larning. Bandura ( 1977 ) provides a elaborate description on acquisition. For him Learning would be extremely arduous, non to advert risky, if people had to trust entirely on the effects of their ain actions to inform them what to make. Fortunately, most human behaviour is learned observationally through mold: from detecting others one forms an thought of how new behaviours are performed, and on ulterior occasions this coded information serves as a usher for action. ( Bandura 1977, p.22 ) Within the schoolroom environment it was noted that it is really utile to pattern undertakings to pupils as they will so hold a higher and better apprehension of the undertaking and what they need in order to finish the activity. Outside the environment of the schoolroom, whilst engaged in larning within an organisation that the pupils were analyzing it was noted that pupils responded in several different ways. The behaviour of pupils, instead than going more riotous became more professional and respected. This may hold been the fact that they were in a professional environment with other members of the populace in attending. One other facet of the pupils ‘ behaviour became noticeable when they met the usher demoing them around the edifice. It was obvious that pupils accidentally copied the idiosyncrasy of the usher, which can be attributed to the positive attitude and attributes that were seen by the students on what they perceived as a function theoretical account. Although whilst pupils are acting right in and out of the schoolroom, there are times that pupils do non prosecute with lessons and get down to misconduct. Piaget ( 1932 ) discussed the moral development of persons and an apprehension of others. It can be noted that morally pupils should truly cognize they are at school to larn, and non interrupt the schoolroom. Further work by Piaget ( 1952 ) , produced by decennaries of detecting immature kids lead to his theory of cognitive development. The footing of the theory of cognitive development is that there is a displacement of kids ‘s thought over certain phases of their ripening, as they are turning up. These phases were split into four, with the concluding phase, when a pupil is in adolescence they should be able to ground hypothetically and infer results, hence actively build their ain cognition and understand results, believing for themselves. In instruction it is clear that persons are grouped in phases, therefore miming theory of Piaget. Year groups are grouped into Key Stages for development, but although pupils still receive lessons in their twelvemonth groups it is obvious that non all students develop at the same rate. Within the schoolroom environment and besides whilst taking visits it is still really of import to distinguish lessons so that all students are able to entree the lesson, and besides supply extension undertakings where students have completed work to a satisfactory degree within the clip and have no other work to finish. The theory behind cognitive development does non associate to â€Å" how † a pupil can be cleverer with relation to their knowledge harmonizing to their age. There is besides small or no grounds of other factors such as societal or emotional facets which may act upon larning. Similarly at that place seems to be no nexus towards unnatural development or development upsets that may be present in a pupil. Unlike Piaget where it is considered that the development of a kid must predate their acquisition, the sociocultural position of Vygotsky ( 1978 ) argued that â€Å" acquisition is a necessary and cosmopolitan facet of the procedure of developing culturally organized, specifically human psychological map † ( Vygotsky 1978, p.90 ) . This position suggests that in existent fact that societal acquisition would predate the development of an person. Therefore whereas Piaget would reason that the development of a student is due to them being actively funny and desiring to be involved in the acquisition taking topographic point, Vygotsky would reason that the societal part and interaction, for illustration with the usher on the visit, helped the procedure of development of the students. Taking the thoughts of Vygotsky into the schoolroom it has been noted that pupils working collaboratively, when they are socially interacting either with their equals or instructors, or whether working in braces or groups, will bring forth a high degree of work if kept on undertaking. This cooperation Vygotsky argues leads to cognitive development. Vygotsky ( 1978 ) besides viewed the Zone of Proximal Development as an country where counsel or instructions can be given, leting students to work on their ain to develop higher mental maps. Within the planning and instruction of a lesson it is clear that aims and success standards have been planned and shown to the students. This clearly develops the ability to finish undertakings to different degrees of accomplishment for the students, and allows them to progress their acquisition in a manner that is clear and concise. In kernel, on an single footing, a pupil needs to understand how they can ‘learn to larn ‘ in order to derive the best instruction they can accomplish. Students have to take duty for their ain acquisition, with the aid of instructors, parents and as many resources as possible that will profit them overall. The pupils single acquisition manners must besides be noted down by instructors in order for them to be after, develop and present lessons in a individualized manner, for as many persons as possible in each lesson. Taking into history that pupils are grouped in cardinal phases and in twelvemonth groups, and even possibly in sets, there will ever be a scope of pupils within the schoolroom that have to be catered for. It is of import for instructors to encompass as many instruction and acquisition manners as possible if they are appropriate to travel any of the single scholars in the schoolroom forward. In Applied ICT although the pupils may understand the theory of the existent ICT, it may be hard for the pupils to set the existent application of the usage of the ICT into context. Timetabling deductions mean that it is impossible to wholly personalise the acquisition of an person at present as the resources are clearly non available for this to go on. As this is the instance personalization has mostly got to take topographic point within lessons associating in with the humanistic attack to distinguishing for the person or groups. This attack will besides assist with the multiple intelligences within the schoolroom and cater for different ability pupils, scaffolding lessons so that all pupils engage within the acquisition environment and are able to come on in a safe environment.A

Negetive Effects of Technology Essay

In this century that we are living, there are many different ways to communicate and interact with the people we need. New developed technologies have made our lives much easier than the old days. Many people prefer to look at a screen and explore new things, do our homework, chat with our close ones, listen to a song, watch a movie, buy new clothes and so on. These are the things that we can do. Moreover, it saves time and money. One of the important decisions we make is to work at home in front of a computer. However, high developed technology has disadvantages like if we look at a screen it is bad for you health, we do not know if it is true and guaranteed for hundred percent. First, when we speak of the impact of technology on society, we always talk about the positive effects of technology and about how technology has made life easy. We talk about the Internet as an information resource and a communication platform and conveniently ignore the fact that an overexposure to it leads to Internet addiction. We often discuss how technology has made life easy but easily forget that it has made us overly dependent on it. see more:is technology making us lazy Have you thought of the impact of technology from this point of view? I am sure, most of you haven’t. Let us look at this aspect of technology here. People will (and are beginning to) miss out on face-to-face contact and thus their social skills will decline. It is possible that after decades of having no, or extremely limited human contact, that we will loose the ability to read body language. This could cause all sorts of misunderstandings and problems. Secondly, depending on a screen rather than meeting face-to-face is very bad for health. It will make our spine back ill. Sitting for long hours and looking to a screen also makes our eye bad. When i was little i played and watched movies on a computer for long hours because it is was fun. Since then my eye kept getting bad and i had to wear glasses. It really annoys me a lot when i play basketball and to run in the morning. What’s more, four days ago my back hurt because school started and i have been sitting for long hours and been looking at a computer screen Having limited human contact will cause us to have even less trust in others, and in turn, we will be even less friendly and even more stand-offish. Thirdly, for people who do their works by using the internet has also bad sides to the society. We are getting lazy and not going outside for a walk. Our movement gets limited only in our home. Also, it is making the person isolated from the society outside which the he or she is might become lonely just communicating with the computer. My best friend’s big brother doesn’t have any friends to go out with because he spends all of his time on he computer. I think it is a very bad habit for him to get isolated from the real life. Think of the days when there were no computers and no modern means of transport. Human life was highly restricted due to the unavailability of technological applications. Daily life involved a lot of physical activity. Life of the common man was not as luxurious as that of modern times, but he was more active. Exercise was integrated into routine physical activities. It was contrary to the sedentary lifestyle of today, which leaves no time for exercise and fills days with inactivity and laze. Today we don’t want to, and thanks to technology, don’t even need to, walk, move around or exert physically to get things done. We have the world is at our fingertips. We think of technology as a boon to society. I am afraid; it’s not completely a boon. The Internet has bred many unethical practices like hacking, spamming and phishing. Internet crime is on the rise. The Internet, being an open platform lacks regulation. There is no regulation on the content displayed on websites. Internet gambling has become an addiction for many students. Overexposure to the Internet has taken its toll. In this virtual world, you can be who you are not, you can be virtually living even after you die. Isn’t this weird? Children are spending all their time playing online and less or almost no time playing on the ground. Youngsters are spending most of their time social networking, missing on the joys of real social life. Moreover, we have become excessively dependent on technology. Is so much of dependency good? Is it right to rely on machines to such an extent? Is it right to depend on computers rather than relying on human intellect? Computer technology and robotics are trying to substitute for human intellect. With the fast advancing technology, we have started harnessing artificial intelligence in many fields. Where is the digital divide going to take us? How is our ‘tomorrow’ going to be? ‘Machines replacing human beings’ does not portray a rosy picture, does it? It can lead to serious issues like unemployment and crime. An excessive use of machines in every field can result in an nder-utilization of human brains. Over time, we may even lose our intellectual abilities. You know of the declining mathematical abilities in students due to use of calculators since school, don’t you? In conclusion, as technology is getting better people are trying to make their work easy and fast. From this we become lazy, weak and ill. It makes our immune system go bad and we have the ability to get the diseases fast. From all the examples above it shows face-to-face contact is still necessary in our lives and society.

Autobiography †original writing Essay

I had five months to sort out my work experience placement and thought that I had more than enough time in which to do so. Before long, however, I was called to Mr Williams’s office, the man in charge of finalising the work experience. I had just found out that I had overnight to get a placement somewhere, otherwise I’ll be stuck in school with year 9 for the week. My ideal placement would be something to do with sports because that’s my favourite subject in school but I knew I couldn’t find somewhere and get a reply all in one night. The only placement I knew I could go without having to wait for a reply was with my mother! My mother works at Cardiff University in the Biochemistry Unit. I’m still not sure exactly what she does, but I think it’s something along the lines of teaching and researching into cells. Before I knew it work experience had almost arrived. It was very tense around the house; I suppose I was excited because I didn’t have a clue what I was going to be doing and also a little scared for the same reason. The first morning was pretty easy because I had no dress code, and as my mother is her own boss, I had no strict hours either. Also I didn’t have to be polite around my mother, so I could just be my self. I was sort of expecting it to be boring working with my mother but nothing could prepare me for what I did on my first day. My first chore of the day was to fill, empty, sterilise and prepare bottles for other people. This wasn’t very challenging, so I got bored quickly. In the afternoon my mum noticed I was bored, so let me do the jobs she hates. Firstly, she made me sort out the bookshelves in her office. This included sorting out a 6ft long shelf full of catalogues, into alphabetical order and to date. The earliest being from 1992. After finishing that, she put my keyboard skills to good use by making me type out the register on the computer for four of her classes. At the end of my first day I was disappointed for not having had a fun day. I also felt worried in case my whole week would be this boring. The second day was a little bit more challenging. In the morning I had to draw pictures on a computer for my mother’s poster. This was irritating because nothing was perfect enough for her. She kept on making me change the smallest details, and I realised that day that she was the fussiest person I knew, but the finished product managed to satisfy her. In the afternoon I worked with my mother’s friend, Mike Turner, who works in the Electro Microscopy Unit in the university. This is where they take pictures with really big powerful microscopes. At first I was quite shy because I’ve never met him before. I suppose I was expecting him to be a shy brainy man that wouldn’t really talk to me. On the contrary, he would not stop talking and make jokes. I felt like I could talk to him easy and that made me feel comfortable beeing there. He sat me down by one of the microscopes and made me look at bugs and flowers through it. This was different and I enjoyed it more than my mother’s office, although it got boring after a while sitting in front of a screen just looking at bugs. On the third day, I met another of my mother’s friends, Guy Pitt. He is a photographer and developer in the university. I wasn’t that nervous because my older sister did the same for her work experience and told me he was the best man to work with, and he was by far the best person who looked after me that week because he thought about what I might like to do. He gave me an expensive camera and sent me around town to take photos of anything. I took pictures of Cardiff Castle and animals like birds and squirrels. In the afternoon I met Mike Turner again and took pictures of cells with his microscope camera. Although he was enthusiastic about the cells I didn’t find them that interesting and just pretended to like the pictures I took. The fourth day was the best day of the week. I was in Guy’s hands for the day. I met him in the morning and he gave me the camera with a new film and sent me to town again and told me to return at two o’clock. In town I met a lot of my friends and went shopping and took pictures of a burnt building that was in ruins. When I returned we changed the films into negatives in the dark room by using all sorts of chemicals, and let them dry for Friday. On Friday, Guy and I changed the negatives into real pictures. He was very impressed with the pictures I took of the burnt building and asked if he could keep some. This made me feel good of my self and made me consider a career in photography, maybe sport photography. We finished by eleven o’clock so he gave me the afternoon off and I went home. I enjoyed the experience despite having doubts about it at the beginning of the week. The best part of the week was working with Guy, he really made me think about my career.

Historical analogy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Historical analogy - Essay Example an economic event that began in 1928 in Germany and in 1929 in the United States that resulted in economic hardship, degrading changes in political systems and even sparked the World War II according to certain groups. The said event can be related to the policies implemented by the governments of Germany and United States (Temin, 1991, p.42). One point presented is the access to credit. This resulted to tightness of credit from 1920-1930 in Europe which can be related to the collapse of production and the prices during the early period of Depression (Temin, 1991, p.42). The financial meltdown due to global current account imbalances based on due to trade balances intensified by other factors can be considered as the main reasons for the Great Depression (Lehmann and Lehmann, 2010, p.101). Aside from the factors related to credit, production and prices of products, there are key events related to the Depression. The first event was the stock-market crash in New York. Other three other events were the Smoot-Hawley tariff in 1930, the first baking crisis of Friedman and Schwartz and the collapse of the commodity prices. Based on these events, the Great Depression can be significantly related to the dynamics in the economy of the United States (Temin, 1991, p.43). By analyzing the different events on the basis of the dynamics of the stock-market, there are numerous events that can be compared to the Great Depression but none of them resulted to the said economic catastrophe. The stock market changed but the income generation had not been achieved. The global economic meltdown can be considered very similar to the Great Depressions in numerous aspects. The global economic meltdown can be compared to the Great Depression in certain points. The said event that occurred between 2008 and 2009 was based on defective monetary policy. The economic meltdown can be considered as the problem faced by the modern world which originated in the economic system of the

Compare how you topic was discussed by Benton Banani (The Mishomis Essay

Compare how you topic was discussed by Benton Banani (The Mishomis Book) - Essay Example I will analytically and reflectively look at the following works; the Mishmi’s book by Benton Bandai, lectures and class presentations by Rainey Gay wish, seeing the world with aboriginal eyes by Brian Rice and god is red by Vine Deloria Jr. this books have explained the native life of the Indians and its influence to their culture and religion. To begin with, in the book god is red; a native view of religion the author has explored the origin, history and doctrines of the Indian tribal culture. He does this by comparing and contrasting this culture to others. He compares the Indian culture and the Christian traditions. He finds the Christian traditions to be absurd and groundless and points out the superiority of the Indian culture (Kramer, 2000). The concept of creation and deity is one subject tackled and the author finds nothing in common between the two cultures. Another subject raised death and religion. This is where Deloria finds little sense on the Christian side. Deloria tend to wonder why Christians fear death despite the blissful afterlife promised to them. On the other hand the Indians don’t fear death because they believe nothing ever dies and death is just but a transition. In this case he tries to demonstrate the superiority of the Indian culture to that of the Christians. Overall the book is just abo ut the Indian tribal religions including its origin and contemporary use. It is also advocating for revival of time honored traditions. On the other hand in the book seeing the world with aboriginal eyes, the author explores the four directional perspectives on non-human and human cultures. The four complex dimensions that make up existence or totality include; seeing path, ways of relating, coming to knowing and ways of doing. Seeing the path encompasses beliefs and values evolving from the spirit world. Ways of relating entails the relationships between the

Analyzing the expected profits of two firms Assignment

Analyzing the expected profits of two firms - Assignment Example Through illustration, when the two companies decide in applying this strategy their equilibrium will be In this scenario, King Company and Babil Company both have a dominant option of advertising. No matter what Babil does, King Company will improve his promotion by advertising and vice-versa. However, something odd about the game it seems that the two companies will benefit more when they choose not to advertise. Instead of one gaining 300 and the other losing 80 and vice-versa, they could win 150 each. Therefore, the rational choice of mutual not advertising has a self-destructive flavor that is puzzling. In game theory concept the optimal outcome of the two firms is where no firm has incentives in deviating from the set advertisement strategies after the choice of the opponent is considered. Overall, no firm can receive an incremental benefit of altering actions, assuming the firms remain similar in the strategies. The Nash equilibrium will exists when no firm change their advertisement strategy, despite understanding the opponents strategy. Logically the two companies choose not to advertise and receive payoff of 150. If a person reveals the strategy of King to Babil and vice-versa, no firm will deviate from not advertising. Knowing the move of King, and do not change the behavior of the Babil, the outcome of the two companies not advertising represent the Nash

Legal Memo Thesis Proposal Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Legal Memo - Thesis Proposal Example In Blair v. Tynes, 610 So.2d 956, 960 (La.Ct.App. 1st Cir.1992), it was held by the court that people who suffered psychological distress on account of the failure of the enforcement authorities, to uphold law and order, could claim damages for serious mental distress. The tort of severe emotional distress, aims to provide recoverable damages for those who have undergone mental anguish, grief or fright due to the acts of another person. The factors necessary to establish this tort are ambiguous, which explains the divergent court decisions. As such, this tort attempts to ensure that the members of a civilized society are not exposed to behavior that is emotionally distressing and outrageous. To claim damages under La. C. C. art 2315.6, for intentional infliction of emotional distress, the plaintiff has to prove that she had suffered a traumatic injury that resulted in mental distress. For the purposes of this tort of intentional infliction of emotional distress, the conduct should be so extreme and outrageous that all possible limits of decency are crossed. In addition, such conduct should be atrocious and absolutely intolerable in any civilized society. In Donnie Norred and Wife, Shirley Norred and Arlen J. Guidry and Wife, Linda J. Guidry v. Radisson Hotel Corporation and Radisson Hotels International, Inc., 95 0748 (La.App. 1 Cir. 12/15/95); 665 So. 2d 753, a wife claimed damages against a hotel, where her husband had been robbed. Her claim was for emotional distress caused by the incident. The court held that she could not claim such damages, as she could not establish that she had undergone genuine and serious emotional distress. As such, she had not been present during the robbery. In Estate of Rayo Lejeune v. Rayne Branch Hospital., 88-890 (La. App. 3 Cir. 2/10/89); 539 So. 2d 849, a wife claimed damages for the mental anguish caused to her, when she saw her comatose husband covered with rat bites in the hospital. Supreme Court

Investigating report how an organisation can get the best from their Essay

Investigating report how an organisation can get the best from their employees regard to their knowledge and experties - Essay Example Morgan and Schiemann (2009) argue that this form of restructuring will ensure that the organization’s functions and systems will run in a smooth manner. Among the changes that are taking part in the organizations today include inclusion of innovative techniques that render the employees have an obligation to offer the best for their companies. With the tough competition in the world of business, it is almost impossible for organizations to survive without embracing the changes that are taking part in the market especially in regard to employee relations. Studies indicate that organizations are terrified of the fact that, they may not be in a position to operate in the markets if they do not embrace the upcoming changes in the field of business. This fact implies that it is of the essence that novel human resource techniques and methodologies are incorporated into the organizations. 1.1. Body 1.1.1. Knowledge Management In an organization, it is mandatory to manage the organiza tion’s knowledge. There are various forms of knowledge in the organization. Knowledge may be described as the cognitive ability of an individual to perform a certain task and varies from one individual to the next. This fact leads to a variation while dealing with employees in the organization. Some employees may feel completely at pains upon conventional treatments, all in all, the most important part is to ensure that all forms of knowledge are crucial and have to be managed. Majority of the organizations are coming up with management of knowledge projects through appointment of knowledge teams and personnel to handle the organizations (Payne 2006). 1.1.2. Forms of Knowledge 1.1.2.1. Explicit form of knowledge Explicit awareness is a type of knowledge that is simple to categorize and retrieve since it uses codes that enable the user to keep the information, reposses it as well as rectify documents. In as far as an organization is concerned, the people in a managerial positi on have to ensure that the employees have unlimited access to information and they are able to use it accordingly for their maximum benefit (Roth 2006). Some analysts however, argue that this type of knowledge is too simple to generate desirable results in as far as fostering competitiveness among the employees is concerned. 1.1.2.3. Tacit Knowledge According to Munk (2008) tacit knowledge refers to a type of information that is hard to define since it relies mostly on individual experience that difficult to explain to others. This is the type of knowledge that is embodied in the minds of individuals based on experience over the years. The values and beliefs that a person ascribes to have a huge impact on the output of employees in an organization. This is probably why most employers insist on hiring people with years of experience in a specific field as they are able to use intuition to solve problems. As a result, many organizations experience breakthroughs in otherwise difficult areas that would have required excessive coding to solve it. 1.1.3 Organizational culture and structure According to Abell and Oxbrow (2001) organizations are structured in a myriad of ways, depending on their nature and traditions as well as their objectives. The structure proposed by the organization verifies whether the organization’

Answer the 4 questions at the end of the case study

Answer the 4 questions at the end of the - Case Study Example It is evident from the report of McGowan (2004) that putting denial of market access for Mexico is unjustified due to the fact that other countries like fishing agencies of Costa Rica and Ecuador and even USA are also purse seine method to catch tuna; therefore only increasing world demand as the United States was not integrating with a particular market. Figure 1 illustrates the negative impacts to supply and demand that the imposition of an embargo imposes. Figure 1 Imposing embargo not only created trade barriers for Mexico but also caused a loss of millions of dollars for the countries involved in the dispute. It is evident from the argument of McGowan (2004) that fishermen of Mexico use purse seine methods due to non availability of alternatives; alternatives which ultimately could have saved the life of dolphins. Within such a context, a consideration of the research work of Porter (2006) reveals the fact that USA should provide knowledge and resource support to Mexico fisherme n in order to encourage the use of alternate fishing methods; instead of purse seine nets. Porter (2006) found that using purse seine nets can cause serious damage to aquatic eco-system and might even increase death threats for dolphins. However, fishermen in Eastern Tropical Pacific (ETP) still using purse seine nets which are posing death threat for dolphins. ... Question 2: Did the U.S. denial of market access ultimately work? Answer: The U.S. imposed a denial of market access for tuna imports from countries like Mexico, Costa Rica and Ecuador which were known to use purse seine nets. Recently, the USA and Mexico have both appealed to World Trade Organization (WTO) regarding favoritism in tuna exportation (United States Trade Representative, 2012). Mexico subsequently challenged the U.S. denial by stating that fishermen of the USA are also using purse seine nets to catch tuna. In 1992, after the meeting between USA representatives of countries whose market access was denied by U.S, Dolphin safety panels were installed in most of the nets. As could easily have been predicted, the United States denial of market access had both positive and negative impacts. Firstly, it allowed the partner nations to lose a great deal of business revenue and merely shifted the supply and demand curve for tuna throughout the regional and global markets. Secondly , it can be stated to have had a positive impact due to the fact that the United States and partner nations realized that this trade dispute was having negative impacts upon their own respective economies; thereby encouraging them to address the issue and seek to improve tuna fishing technology to better safeguard the plight of the dolphins. Due to such measures, dolphin mortality rate was decreased significantly between1986 to 1998. Figure 2: Decrease in Total Dolphin Death (Source: Czinkota & Ronkainen, 2002) However, U.S denial of market access cannot be classified as only factor behind the sharp decrease in dolphin’s mortality rate because coagulation of other

Promoting diversity within a health and social setting Essay Example for Free

Promoting diversity within a health and social setting Essay In this report I am going to outline The Mental Health Act alongside this, the procedures and codes of practise and how both of these aim to promote diversity and assessing the effectiveness of these measures in place. The Mental Health Act aims to safeguard the vulnerable, by ensuring they are treated fairly and equally by services and given permission to health care, for example hospital treatment if required. The term mental illness or a personality disorder is used to describe someone with a mental disorder. The key principles of the act include keeping the service users best interest at heart and if unwise decisions are made by the user, the least restrictive option should be made. The mental health acts helps to promote diversity, because it ensures that the individual themselves will not be taken advantage of and their choices are met with full understanding before a decision has been made. This also makes sure that the person who holds the right to overrule the decision making follows under the act closely. The codes of practise aim to provide rules and regulations on how professionals should behave in a health and social care service. Most importantly, they provide specific standards of practise for each situation. For example, there is a code of practise for nursing and midwifery, known as ‘the nursing and midwifery council’. Another example of how codes of practise provide specific rules for each situation is the including standards of practise specially tailored for social care workers. This is known as the ‘General Social Care Council.’ The standards of practise must comply with the employers and employees responsibilities non- discriminatory practise. These responsibilities include staff promoting choices about service users and the care they receive; promoting a sense of self – concept for each service user; promoting diversity by considering their preferences, the service user’s individual needs and their wishes being taken into consideration of every aspect of their care. These responsibilities help to promote diversity, because it prevents victimisation and respects individual’s different views, with providing equality for all and promoting non – discriminatory practise. Overall, this piece of legislation is effective, because it aims to promote diversity by providing important legislation with lawful regulations that helps to meet service user’s needs. For example, the mental health act ensures the individual focused on if necessary, will be ensured to have informed and respectful decisions made based on their needs and preferences. Codes of practise are effective for aiming to promote diversity, because they provide standards of practise for individual situations, which all consequently aim to promote diversity and help staff and carers to use non – discriminatory practices that respect all individual service user’s needs while also aiming to promote and respect differences within each individual.

US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries

US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries Abstract The start of the twenty first century signaled a new beginning for the United States and China in their quest for oil diplomacy with African oil producing countries. One of the characteristics of this venture is the difference in approach both countries follow to attain this natural resource. This research work, therefore, examines the diplomatic measures of the US and China in their negotiations with oil producing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, hereafter referred to as (SSA). In particular, the results they expect or the preferences over outcomes are analyzed. It is not the intention of the study to present a comparative analysis of US and Chinese import figures or to look at their reciprocal relationship. The question is what strategic choices do the US and China make in their interaction with oil producing countries and in what way does such interaction shape oil diplomacy? An important finding is that the US and China develop different strategic paths and policy frameworks whic h strengthen the assumption that the two countries compete for SSA oil. Along these lines, the study investigates the oil diplomacy of the US and China in SSA using the strategic-choice approach as an analytical framework. Introduction In the last decade, the US and China has moved their search for oil security to the African continent. The US and China arrive on the SSA oil scene with their own motives and interests. Their single most important interest is to engage in oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states and secure the safe import of oil from the region. African states traditionally were influenced by colonial powers. However, with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa, the situation is changing. The US focuses on humanitarianism, good governance and democratization of petroleum producing states in their oil diplomacy approach. China, the worlds fastest growing economy, views SSA as a welcome offloading ground for its products in exchange for oil. An economic approach focusing on enlarging its commercial interests is the driving factor for Chinas engagement with petroleum producing states. China needs more raw materials to supply in its increasing domestic demand. Instability in the Middle East, oil dependency and securing its energy interests drives the US to SSA. Keeping a watchful eye on Chinas involvement and monitoring its influence with petroleum producing states is another reason the US is devoting much of its time to this part of Africa. The US interest in the region focuses on the procurement of oil and gas, but with the establishment of the US African Command (AFRICOM), US involvement in SSA shifted in a large degree to the fight against terrorism and safeguarding of American oil operations. Analytical Framework Lake Powell (1999) formulated an approach that makes it easier for students of international relations to explain the choices actors make, whether these actors are states, parties, ethnic groups, companies, leaders or individuals. This approach is used in the paper to explain the strategic interaction of the US and China with oil producing countries and not the strategic interaction between the US and China. The argument is that both countries have independent influencing power and exercise an asymmetric relationship with oil producing countries. In SSA the preferences and beliefs of the US and China in conjunction with the strategic environment are the core attributes on which the strategic-choice approach is based. In the SSA oil environment, there are many beliefs and preferences which have an effect on interaction and the formulation of policy frameworks. What are the oil security preferences of the US and China in SSA, and how is it influenced by the environment? Changes in the behavior of actors are often difficult to perceive in the strategic-choice approach (Lake Powell, 1999). Whenever changes in the behavior of actors do take place, it is primarily done through learning, through changes in the actors environment or by analyzing the actors as more basic actors Lake Powell, 1999). In this study, the methodological bet would disaggregate the actors into more basic actors, such as the individual beliefs of the energy departments, national leaders, multinational oil corporations, bureaucrats and individuals. Frieden (1999: 50) mentions the concept of actors preferences over choices, and how the outcomes affect strategic interaction between actors in the same setting. The preference in a particular setting leads the agent to devise a strategy. Analysts of international relations have long debated how preferences and the strategic environment affect outcomes, jointly and separately. Many debates in the field have to do with whether outcomes are primarily the result of the constraints of the international system or of differences among national preferences (Frieden, 1999:50). A strong variant of realism, for example, implies that state preferences are so overwhelmed by the pressures of interstate competition that all states must pursue essentially identical strategies. A strong domestic, dominance perspective might, on the other hand, argue that different state strategies flow primarily from different national characteristics and preferences. Due to the continuous rise of new issues in SSA oil politics, the argument is that preferences are shaped by environmental factors and thus not static. It will be difficult, therefore, to separate the preferences of the actors from the strategic environment. The assumption is that a cycle of interaction is proposed deriving from the interplay of preferences and strategies. In the SSA oil setting, the US and China in deciding what preferences over outcomes they desire, have to take political environmental constraints into consideration, because the oil-induced political environment is constantly changing. Instability of oil producing countries, corruption, the negative consequences of having oil reserves, bad governance and terrorism are contributing factors to this changing environment. In more stable, homogenous oil environments, the actors preferences are more constant. The environment in North Africa is a region with a more or less stable oil infrastructure, where actors formulate clear, definable goals, separate from such environmental influence. The North African oil producing states of Libya, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt have a strong unifying Muslim culture, and they can shape their preferences around a common goal. In SSA, the environment and the choices actors make are separated, because of ethnic division, religious differences, corruption, instability, bad governance and the gross mismanagement of oil revenues. These factors then make it difficult for leaders to shape preferences without interference of political constraints. In reality, leaders of oil states will base individual preferences on self-enrichment and state goals on the dynamics of interplay between actors in the strategic setting. The main energy security debate for the American and Chinese government in the twenty first century focuses on the concept of oil dependence. Diversification of import channels, safe delivery of imports and establishing reasonable prices are factors that influence the decision-making of policymakers. US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA thus follows different paths. Because both countries arrived relatively late on the oil scene in this part of Africa, were not previous colonial masters, and had limited strategic ties with petroleum producing states, SSA now presents new challenges to the US and Chinese governments in their quest for oil. Engaging in diplomatic talks broaden oil horizons and establish measures along which oil security is negotiated. From the perspective of increasing oil imports and acquiring new exploration and drilling licenses, oil diplomacy is vital for sustaining negotiations on a continuous basis. However, for diplomacy to be an effective tool, the US and China need to formulate preferences or policy beliefs. The next section presents a brief overview of US and Chinese expansion into the SSA oil fields in the last couple of years. The aim is to identify the major oil producing countries with whom the US and China have signed deals and not to present import and expo rt figures. Looking at the allocation of exploration contracts to the US and China by SSA oil producers, it becomes clear that these countries are siding with either the US or China. The point is that diplomacy and strategic interaction are deciding factors influencing the relationship. For example, Nigeria and Angola as two of SSAs major oil producing countries have strong relationships with both powers, but their interaction differ. US and Chinese Expansion into Sub-Saharan Africa Oil Fields The growing expansion of Chinese national oil companies into Africas oil markets is perhaps the aspect of Sino-African relations that most concerns the international community (Taylor, 2009: 37). Chinese firms are actively seeking resources of every kind: copper, bauxite, uranium, aluminum, manganese, iron ore, and more. However, the issues surrounding oil are of particular interest to Western policymakers studying Chinas rise (Lyman, 2006). Indeed, although China and the US do not rely on one another for energy supplies, the possibility that oil will be the subject of future disagreements between them is arguably high and thus has a bearing on much of the commentary on Sino-African energy policies (Zha, 1999: 69). Certainly, there is concern that Beijings procurement of energy supplies will pose a challenge to the global dominance of Washington at a time when levels of cooperation between the two governments on matters of energy are at best weak (Dreyer, 2007: 461). In contrast to t he days of Maoist solidarity, contemporary Chinas economic dealings with Africa are, in the main, based on an unfriendly evaluation of commercial potential. Indeed, to reiterate, Chinas rapidly developing oil requirements have helped propel Sin-African trade at the turn of the millennium (Taylor, 2009: 44). A select listing of recent contracts signed by Chinas national oil companies gives a flavor of the geographical extent of Chinese interest in SSA oil. In 2004, Total Gabon signed a contract with Sinopec for exporting Gabonese crude oil into China. Angola received a US$ billion loan in 2005 in exchange for oil deals with China, which added another US$1 billion to the loan in March 2006. Also in 2005, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation signed a US$800 million deal with PetroChina to supply 30,000 barrels of crude per day to China. In 2006, CNOOC agreed to pay US$2.3 billion for a stake in a Nigerian oil and gas field (Taylor, 2009: 45). Chinese oil companies also reportedl y signed contracts to begin offshore oil exploration and production in Congo-Brazzaville and began oil exploration in northern Namibia with the intent to establish an oil refinery. In addition, Nigeria announced that that it would give the first right of refusal on four oil exploration blocks to CNPC in exchange for a commitment to invest US$4 billion in infrastructure (Taylor, 2009: 46). Clearly, Chinas energy interests in Africa are growing exponentially. Indeed, in 2006, China imported 920,000 barrels a day of crude oil, or 31 percent of its total crude imports, from Africa. Moreover, Chinese national oil companies are still relatively small players on the continent. â€Å"The commercial value of the oil investments in Africa of Chinas NOCs is just 8 percent of the combined commercial value of the (international oil companies) investments in African oil and 3 percent of all companies invested in African oil† (Downs, 2007: 42). A central criticism of these contracts revolve s around the tactics and strategies by which Chinese corporations enter into them. For instance, on February 16, 2006, Chinaafrica, an official Chinese publication, quoted Wang Yingping of the China Institute of International Studies (CIIS), as asserting that â€Å"Chinese businesses pay greater attention to protecting the environment when building factories and exploring for Africas rich reserves in oil†; two months later, it cited, without comment, the assertion by Sierra Leones ambassador to China that â€Å"the Chinese just come and do it. They dont hold meetings about environmental impact assessments, human rights, bad governance and good governance. Im not saying its right, just that Chinese investment is succeeding because they dont set high benchmarks† (Taylor, 2009: 47).  Ã‚  Ã‚   The US is obsessed with oil imports from the Middle East and pays little or no attention to SSA. This region supplies as much black gold to the US as the Persian Gulf States. According to (Donelson, 2008) the region also lend itself to just as much (if not more) danger of unexpected supply disruption. For this reason AFRICOM, the new US military administrative headquarters [one of six regional headquarters (HQs) worldwide] was established. The military demand center is devoted to relations with 53 countries (Donelson, 2008). At the end of 2007, SSA accounted for nearly 16% of US daily imports, versus just over 18% for the Persian Gulf States and just over 18% for Canada. The country in seventh place is Angola with 507,000 barrels a day, just behind Algeria. Chad, Gabon, Congo (Brazzaville), and Equatorial Guinea are petroleum suppliers to the US as well, along with minor players including South Africa, Mauritania, Ivory Coast, Ghana, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa . One country with strong oil reserves is Nigeria, but unfortunately the region is vulnerable to disruption. The destroying of oil pumping stations, pipelines, and other distribution facilities are at the order of the day by rebel groups, opposing the rule of President Umaru YarAdua. According to Donelson (2008), The Bold Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta has sent militants in boats through heavy seas to attack the Bonga oil fields more than 65 miles from land, temporarily shutting down production of more than 200,000 barrels a day. But there are also other groups, such as white-collar oil workers threatening the supply of oil if their negotiation demands are not met. But the main issue the US faces is competition from other countries, especially from China. Donelson (2008) points out that the Angola supplied almost as much oil (465,000 barrels daily) to China as they did to the US in 2007 and that number will almost certainly go up as a report by the Council of Forei gn Relations states: â€Å"Beijing secured a major stake in future oil production in 2004 with a $2 billion package of loans and aid that includes funds for Chinese companies to build railroads, schools, roads, hospitals, bridges, and offices; lay a fiber-optic network; and train Angolan telecommunications workers† (Donelson, 2008: 2). The President of Angola, Jose Eduardo dos Santos served as his partys, (MPLA) representative to China, after receiving his degree from the Azerbaijan Oil and Chemistry Institute in the old USSR. This was shortly before he became president. The relationship between dos Santos and the US is not build on a solid foundation and is to say the least very unreliable. There is no guarantee that the country will live up to its promise of providing the US with a continuous supply of oil, after such a long time of instability and civil war. With two of the top seven U.S. oil suppliers vulnerable to supply disruptions at any moment; is it any wonder that the American military presence in Africa is slated for the major expansion (Donelson, 2008). In a nutshell, before moving on to the strategic-choice analysis, what are the motivations for the US and China to enter the SSA oil market? Trade and economical intentions are high on Chinas African business agenda, offloading Chinese products in the host countries in exchange for oil and other resources. Traditionally, African states relied on western colonial powers for economic aid and influence. However, the situation is slowly changing with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa. The supply of oil in return for investments and other economical incentives are the driving force for petroleum producing states to establish relations with China. SSA is a source of growing importance in the supply of oil. The region is likely to become as important a source of US energy imports as the Middle East. The US is in competition for access to oil, not only to China but also with India and Europe. Therefore, the US interest in SSA includes promoting democracy, good govern ance and transparency in economies of petroleum producing states, along with establishing a strong military command to protect its oil interests and monitor the actions of militant groups.  Ã‚   However, diplomacy is an effective tool if preferences and policy beliefs are formulated around certain goals. This is what the next chapter is going to achieve, investigating the policy beliefs of the US and China and the way it contributes to effective oil diplomatic measures.   US-Sino Oil Diplomacy in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Strategic-Choice Analysis During the twentieth century, US and Chinas preference thinking regarding Africa was greatly influenced by ideological thinking. The contest between establishing democracy or communism in Africa was evident of US-Chinese intervention on the African continent. The US followed liberalization policies to free oppressing regimes from authoritarian, communist rule, while China viewed Africa as an open domain to introduce communism. A result of these opposing preferences by the US and China was that African countries were introduced to different ideological doctrines, which laid the foundation for African countries to establish their own state goals. Hostility of certain petroleum producing states toward cooperation with either the US or China, favoring one state over the other because of ideological and economical preferences, domestic conflict in Nigeria, violations of human rights in Sudan, the war on terror in conjunction with Muslim extremism and the general poor living and health con ditions in SSA, are factors that limit the American and Chinese governments to implement successful strategies. On the other hand, the US and China can certainly benefit from the individual preferences of state leaders and actors in the oil industry. For example, the goals of multinational oil corporations and the individual beliefs of business leaders contribute to the formulation of a national grand strategy for SSA.   In analyzing the strategic interest of the US in the SSA oil setting, the ideological preference of the US to promote democracy and good governance in African countries is a condition when strategies based on democratic principles are to be devised. â€Å"Oil is where you find it. Oil companies cannot always invest in democratically governed countries. It would be ideal if it could be guaranteed that the head of an African country where a US oil company invested was, in fact, an advocate of democracy and always respected human rights. Unfortunately, that is not a realistic expectation in todays Africa or in most other oil producing regions of the world. It is important to urge and cajole and to nudge the leaders of the oil producing countries towards establishing inclusive democracies and good governance† (Wihbey, Schutz, 2002: 4). This is the task of US diplomacy. In Sudan, the US government is supporting the initiatives of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative ( EITI) (The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, 2007). Countries that underwrite the initiatives and programs of the EITI have preferences toward establishing good governance principles in countries that depend on the extraction of natural resources, and to eradicate the exploitation of these resources. Initiatives that seek to promote good governance principles can only be successful if the supporting countries maintain these same good government principles at home. The SSA oil strategic setting allows for many actors, whether they are governmental institutions, non-governmental institutions, non-state actors or individuals, such as the residents of the Niger delta and Southern Sudan and the multitude of multinational oil corporations (MNCs), to formulate their own goals and pursue unique strategies. However, environmental constrains, such as transportation difficulties and inaccessibility of areas in the Niger Delta, further accentuates the problem actors experience to reach solutions on common grounds. Then there are also religious divisions between Muslims and Christians, ethnic conflicts between the different tribes living in the Niger Delta, the self-interested or ambitious goals of MNCs in the central government. These factors are all having an immoralizing effect on the negotiation process. Rebel groups operating from the Niger Delta, some of which pursue their own agendas and others, which are in unison with the goals of religious and ethnic groups, are at the moment taking the main stage in setting preferences for Niger Delta peace talks. The movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND)can be cited as a group that has extremely hostile feelings toward the presence of foreign and in particular western oil companies (The movement for the emancipation of the Nige r Delta, 2011). In a January 2006, MEND warned the oil industry: It must be clear that the Nigerian government cannot protect your workers or assets. Leave our land while you can or die in it. Our aim is to totally destroy the capacity of the Nigerian government to export oil† (Hanson, 2007: 2). One can assume from this statement, that MEND has a preference for the protection of their land from foreign invasion. They voice strong, emotional concern over foreign oil workers occupying their land and will take extreme measures expelling these oil workers from their land. Whether, they really are interested in finding solutions to the ongoing delta conflict is an open question. Their findings are that anti-government groups, supporting the goals of Muslim extremists and anti-western lobbyists are greatly responsible for the chaos and anarchy characterizing the situation in the delta. Accusations that western oil companies are destroying the natural habitat of certain fish populations and are responsible for the ethnic conflict are treated with contempt by oil companies, such as Shell and ExconMobil, (Howden, 2006) both which invested heavily in the Nigerian oil industry. Oil operations of these companies are conducted in harmony with the natural environment, and that one of their missions is to protect the Niger Delta from over-exploitation and unnecessary pollution. It is all a question of respecting the rights of citizens living in the area and caring about the natural environment, which is an aspect that is neglected by foreign oil companies operating in the Delta. In making a final analysis regarding the preferences of the actors in the Nigerian conflic t, it is necessary that common ground has to be found between the actors. An environment where actors pursue harmonious interests will be beneficial to all. As long as the local residents view foreign oil workers as intruders on their land, pursuing ambitious, and self-interested goals and not returning revenue into local community development programs, the chances that a final solution to the conflict be reached, are small. If one or both of these powers can accept the role of mediator, laying down guidelines for further negotiations, the negotiation process will enjoy a substantial boost. This mediating role will not only help the conflicting parties, but will in effect put the concept of energy security on the negotiating table. On the other hand, for parties to commence a mediating role, they should have an unbiased attitude toward the conflicting parties. Both these countries have strong and clear intentions to use oil diplomacy to their own benefit and manipulate the results in the SSA oil strategic setting. In SSA, AFRICOM is set out to achieve military dominance on the African continent and establish military strategic partnerships with petroleum producing countries. Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe and Angola along the west coast of Africa are the main hotspots for US and Chinese oil interests. Nigeria is the biggest exporter of oil in the region, and in the last five years had allocated valuable oil drilling licenses to US and Chinese oil companies. Nigeria already supplies the oil needs of these two giants, especially to the US. Sao Tome and Principe and Nigeria (Sao Tome, Nigeria sign oil deal with US-led consortium, 2005) signed a milestone contract to give a consortium led by the US based oil company, ChevronTexaco, rights to drill in the two countries shared Gulf of Guinea oil exploration zone. China has secured four oil-drilling licenses from Nigeria in the last three years. In exchange, China will invest US$4bn in oil and infrastructure projects in Nigeria (BBC News, 2006). Nigeria, Africas top oil exporter, has long been viewed by China as a partner. From the recent contracts allocated by the governments of Nigeria and Sao Tome and Principe to US and Chinese based oil companies, it becomes clear that US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA focus on establishing long-lasting relationships (BBC News, 2006). The giant Chinese state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corporation, CNOOC, has reached a deal to buy a 45 percent stake in a Nigerian oil field for more than US$2 billion. The purchase, if approved by both governments, would be Chinas first major venture into oil-rich Nigeria. Analysts say the Nigerian bid will not be easy for CNOOC, which has no experience in dealing with Nigeria, a country rated as a difficult place to do business. The international anti-corruption group Transparency International ranks the country as the sixth most corrupt nation in the world. The American oil company Chevron did not bid on this block, and that would imply they did not believe the values were there. So this is certainly a hurdle which CNOOC will have to overcome. Chinese and Nigerian governments will sign two important agreements: one on economic and technology cooperation and a memorandum of understanding on developing a strategic partnership. China is offering assistance in the form of building new tanker terminals, refineries and possible pipelines to export the oil from remote regions to the coast for easy loading (Ramirez, 2006). China is streamlining the oil infrastructure in SSA, according to their specific needs. This is an infrastructure that on the one hand satisfies their oil demands, but on the other hand leaves the host country no choice but to become dependent on the Chinese oil expertise.The result is that petroleum producing countries in the long run will be more dependent on Chinese investments to sustain their economies, rather than China being dependent on their oil imports. This interaction clearly indicates that Chinas preferences are shaped on establishing some sort of economic superiority over their oil strategic partners and forcing petroleum producing states to be dependent on Chinese intervention. If China has more control over the oil affairs of host countries, it will give them a stronger bargaining base and increase their strategic advantage. The longterm goal of countries that seek to control the economies of its trading partners is to transform economic gains into security gains, so that in the long run, economics and security are inseparable (Snidal, 1993: 73). When China can control the economies of petroleum producing states, it will have strong incentives to move one step further and create military strategic partnerships. The supply of military equipment, providing of nuclear technology, and perhaps positioning of Chinese troops in petroleum producing states, as overseers of its oil operations, cannot be excluded from its African engagement strategy. By successfully negotiating with petroleum producing states and gaining diplomatic prestige, the other state will immediately be in a less favorable situation. In doing so, the preferences will have a stronger strategic value and gives stronger bargaining power. Strategic values or interests are valued not for themselves, but for their contribution to the protection or promotion of other interests in the future. They are â€Å"interests defined in terms of power†, to recall Morgenthaus memorable phrase (Snyder, 1997: 23). The motivation for the US and China is to try and establish alignments with petroleum producing states. In this way, they their strategic values will be more clearly defined and they can implement strategies to control certain oil fields, offshore oil rigs, pipelines and sea passages. The indication is that the sea around the west coast of Africa, stretching from Nigeria in the north to Angola in the south, is expected to raise problems concerning the transpo rtation of future oil supplies. Because the US and China both have to use these sealanes to transport crude oil and gas, it might become a point of conflict. Determining Preferences Preference determination is typically specified in one of three ways: by assumption, by observation and by deduction (Frieden, 1999, p. 53). The objective with this section is to explore these ways and determine their analytical value in the context of the actors preferences in the SSA oil strategic setting, with the main emphasis being on the US and China. Because the US and China both have energy security interests, they have formulated energy security policies at the national level, and these policies are based on assumptions of realism or liberalism. Determining the preferences of the US and China by deducing preferences from these assumptions will offer one of the most analytically satisfying routes to see what specific preferences they hold in the SSA oil strategic setting. It is easiest to assume preferences. In the principal application in international relations to the preferences of nation-states, the simplest assumption might be that states attempt to maximize national wel fare, or assume that states maximize national resources (Frieden, 1999: 53). A comparison between the preferences of economics and the preferences of international politics shows that there are distinctions with regards to the actors involved and the goals they pursue. In economics, there is limited variation in the cast of characters, particularly firms and individuals. Firms prefer profit maximization and individuals prefer wealth maximization (Niou, Ordeshook. Rose, 1999: 54). However, international politics involves individuals, firms, groups, nation-states, international organizations and transnational actors. The preferences of ChevronTexaco and Chinas Petroleum and Chemical Corporation (Sinopec), may in general terms be homogenous, they are engaged in every aspect of the oil and natural gas industry in the SSA oil industry, including exploration and production, refining, marketing and transportation, chemicals, manufacturing and sales (The leadership functions of Chevron Texaco , 2007). However, the reality is that American and Chinese oil companies operating in SSA are in effect not only serving the interests of the oil industry and acting as channels for the procurement of oil imports for their local economies, but they also serve as useful instruments in the hands of politicians to control and manipulate the oil industries of the agent states. Expansion of US and Chinese oil operations in SSA since the start of the twenty first century are providing them with more power on the continent. The direct result of gaining more power in the oil industry is that the petroleum producing states are getting entangled in a web of either American or Chinese influence. This influence is leading to a state of dependency of petroleum producing states on US and Chinese involvement in their oil industries. In terms of economic considerations, the US and China prefer different outcomes in their oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states. The US regards the pursuing of economical interests a US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries Abstract The start of the twenty first century signaled a new beginning for the United States and China in their quest for oil diplomacy with African oil producing countries. One of the characteristics of this venture is the difference in approach both countries follow to attain this natural resource. This research work, therefore, examines the diplomatic measures of the US and China in their negotiations with oil producing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, hereafter referred to as (SSA). In particular, the results they expect or the preferences over outcomes are analyzed. It is not the intention of the study to present a comparative analysis of US and Chinese import figures or to look at their reciprocal relationship. The question is what strategic choices do the US and China make in their interaction with oil producing countries and in what way does such interaction shape oil diplomacy? An important finding is that the US and China develop different strategic paths and policy frameworks whic h strengthen the assumption that the two countries compete for SSA oil. Along these lines, the study investigates the oil diplomacy of the US and China in SSA using the strategic-choice approach as an analytical framework. Introduction In the last decade, the US and China has moved their search for oil security to the African continent. The US and China arrive on the SSA oil scene with their own motives and interests. Their single most important interest is to engage in oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states and secure the safe import of oil from the region. African states traditionally were influenced by colonial powers. However, with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa, the situation is changing. The US focuses on humanitarianism, good governance and democratization of petroleum producing states in their oil diplomacy approach. China, the worlds fastest growing economy, views SSA as a welcome offloading ground for its products in exchange for oil. An economic approach focusing on enlarging its commercial interests is the driving factor for Chinas engagement with petroleum producing states. China needs more raw materials to supply in its increasing domestic demand. Instability in the Middle East, oil dependency and securing its energy interests drives the US to SSA. Keeping a watchful eye on Chinas involvement and monitoring its influence with petroleum producing states is another reason the US is devoting much of its time to this part of Africa. The US interest in the region focuses on the procurement of oil and gas, but with the establishment of the US African Command (AFRICOM), US involvement in SSA shifted in a large degree to the fight against terrorism and safeguarding of American oil operations. Analytical Framework Lake Powell (1999) formulated an approach that makes it easier for students of international relations to explain the choices actors make, whether these actors are states, parties, ethnic groups, companies, leaders or individuals. This approach is used in the paper to explain the strategic interaction of the US and China with oil producing countries and not the strategic interaction between the US and China. The argument is that both countries have independent influencing power and exercise an asymmetric relationship with oil producing countries. In SSA the preferences and beliefs of the US and China in conjunction with the strategic environment are the core attributes on which the strategic-choice approach is based. In the SSA oil environment, there are many beliefs and preferences which have an effect on interaction and the formulation of policy frameworks. What are the oil security preferences of the US and China in SSA, and how is it influenced by the environment? Changes in the behavior of actors are often difficult to perceive in the strategic-choice approach (Lake Powell, 1999). Whenever changes in the behavior of actors do take place, it is primarily done through learning, through changes in the actors environment or by analyzing the actors as more basic actors Lake Powell, 1999). In this study, the methodological bet would disaggregate the actors into more basic actors, such as the individual beliefs of the energy departments, national leaders, multinational oil corporations, bureaucrats and individuals. Frieden (1999: 50) mentions the concept of actors preferences over choices, and how the outcomes affect strategic interaction between actors in the same setting. The preference in a particular setting leads the agent to devise a strategy. Analysts of international relations have long debated how preferences and the strategic environment affect outcomes, jointly and separately. Many debates in the field have to do with whether outcomes are primarily the result of the constraints of the international system or of differences among national preferences (Frieden, 1999:50). A strong variant of realism, for example, implies that state preferences are so overwhelmed by the pressures of interstate competition that all states must pursue essentially identical strategies. A strong domestic, dominance perspective might, on the other hand, argue that different state strategies flow primarily from different national characteristics and preferences. Due to the continuous rise of new issues in SSA oil politics, the argument is that preferences are shaped by environmental factors and thus not static. It will be difficult, therefore, to separate the preferences of the actors from the strategic environment. The assumption is that a cycle of interaction is proposed deriving from the interplay of preferences and strategies. In the SSA oil setting, the US and China in deciding what preferences over outcomes they desire, have to take political environmental constraints into consideration, because the oil-induced political environment is constantly changing. Instability of oil producing countries, corruption, the negative consequences of having oil reserves, bad governance and terrorism are contributing factors to this changing environment. In more stable, homogenous oil environments, the actors preferences are more constant. The environment in North Africa is a region with a more or less stable oil infrastructure, where actors formulate clear, definable goals, separate from such environmental influence. The North African oil producing states of Libya, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt have a strong unifying Muslim culture, and they can shape their preferences around a common goal. In SSA, the environment and the choices actors make are separated, because of ethnic division, religious differences, corruption, instability, bad governance and the gross mismanagement of oil revenues. These factors then make it difficult for leaders to shape preferences without interference of political constraints. In reality, leaders of oil states will base individual preferences on self-enrichment and state goals on the dynamics of interplay between actors in the strategic setting. The main energy security debate for the American and Chinese government in the twenty first century focuses on the concept of oil dependence. Diversification of import channels, safe delivery of imports and establishing reasonable prices are factors that influence the decision-making of policymakers. US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA thus follows different paths. Because both countries arrived relatively late on the oil scene in this part of Africa, were not previous colonial masters, and had limited strategic ties with petroleum producing states, SSA now presents new challenges to the US and Chinese governments in their quest for oil. Engaging in diplomatic talks broaden oil horizons and establish measures along which oil security is negotiated. From the perspective of increasing oil imports and acquiring new exploration and drilling licenses, oil diplomacy is vital for sustaining negotiations on a continuous basis. However, for diplomacy to be an effective tool, the US and China need to formulate preferences or policy beliefs. The next section presents a brief overview of US and Chinese expansion into the SSA oil fields in the last couple of years. The aim is to identify the major oil producing countries with whom the US and China have signed deals and not to present import and expo rt figures. Looking at the allocation of exploration contracts to the US and China by SSA oil producers, it becomes clear that these countries are siding with either the US or China. The point is that diplomacy and strategic interaction are deciding factors influencing the relationship. For example, Nigeria and Angola as two of SSAs major oil producing countries have strong relationships with both powers, but their interaction differ. US and Chinese Expansion into Sub-Saharan Africa Oil Fields The growing expansion of Chinese national oil companies into Africas oil markets is perhaps the aspect of Sino-African relations that most concerns the international community (Taylor, 2009: 37). Chinese firms are actively seeking resources of every kind: copper, bauxite, uranium, aluminum, manganese, iron ore, and more. However, the issues surrounding oil are of particular interest to Western policymakers studying Chinas rise (Lyman, 2006). Indeed, although China and the US do not rely on one another for energy supplies, the possibility that oil will be the subject of future disagreements between them is arguably high and thus has a bearing on much of the commentary on Sino-African energy policies (Zha, 1999: 69). Certainly, there is concern that Beijings procurement of energy supplies will pose a challenge to the global dominance of Washington at a time when levels of cooperation between the two governments on matters of energy are at best weak (Dreyer, 2007: 461). In contrast to t he days of Maoist solidarity, contemporary Chinas economic dealings with Africa are, in the main, based on an unfriendly evaluation of commercial potential. Indeed, to reiterate, Chinas rapidly developing oil requirements have helped propel Sin-African trade at the turn of the millennium (Taylor, 2009: 44). A select listing of recent contracts signed by Chinas national oil companies gives a flavor of the geographical extent of Chinese interest in SSA oil. In 2004, Total Gabon signed a contract with Sinopec for exporting Gabonese crude oil into China. Angola received a US$ billion loan in 2005 in exchange for oil deals with China, which added another US$1 billion to the loan in March 2006. Also in 2005, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation signed a US$800 million deal with PetroChina to supply 30,000 barrels of crude per day to China. In 2006, CNOOC agreed to pay US$2.3 billion for a stake in a Nigerian oil and gas field (Taylor, 2009: 45). Chinese oil companies also reportedl y signed contracts to begin offshore oil exploration and production in Congo-Brazzaville and began oil exploration in northern Namibia with the intent to establish an oil refinery. In addition, Nigeria announced that that it would give the first right of refusal on four oil exploration blocks to CNPC in exchange for a commitment to invest US$4 billion in infrastructure (Taylor, 2009: 46). Clearly, Chinas energy interests in Africa are growing exponentially. Indeed, in 2006, China imported 920,000 barrels a day of crude oil, or 31 percent of its total crude imports, from Africa. Moreover, Chinese national oil companies are still relatively small players on the continent. â€Å"The commercial value of the oil investments in Africa of Chinas NOCs is just 8 percent of the combined commercial value of the (international oil companies) investments in African oil and 3 percent of all companies invested in African oil† (Downs, 2007: 42). A central criticism of these contracts revolve s around the tactics and strategies by which Chinese corporations enter into them. For instance, on February 16, 2006, Chinaafrica, an official Chinese publication, quoted Wang Yingping of the China Institute of International Studies (CIIS), as asserting that â€Å"Chinese businesses pay greater attention to protecting the environment when building factories and exploring for Africas rich reserves in oil†; two months later, it cited, without comment, the assertion by Sierra Leones ambassador to China that â€Å"the Chinese just come and do it. They dont hold meetings about environmental impact assessments, human rights, bad governance and good governance. Im not saying its right, just that Chinese investment is succeeding because they dont set high benchmarks† (Taylor, 2009: 47).  Ã‚  Ã‚   The US is obsessed with oil imports from the Middle East and pays little or no attention to SSA. This region supplies as much black gold to the US as the Persian Gulf States. According to (Donelson, 2008) the region also lend itself to just as much (if not more) danger of unexpected supply disruption. For this reason AFRICOM, the new US military administrative headquarters [one of six regional headquarters (HQs) worldwide] was established. The military demand center is devoted to relations with 53 countries (Donelson, 2008). At the end of 2007, SSA accounted for nearly 16% of US daily imports, versus just over 18% for the Persian Gulf States and just over 18% for Canada. The country in seventh place is Angola with 507,000 barrels a day, just behind Algeria. Chad, Gabon, Congo (Brazzaville), and Equatorial Guinea are petroleum suppliers to the US as well, along with minor players including South Africa, Mauritania, Ivory Coast, Ghana, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa . One country with strong oil reserves is Nigeria, but unfortunately the region is vulnerable to disruption. The destroying of oil pumping stations, pipelines, and other distribution facilities are at the order of the day by rebel groups, opposing the rule of President Umaru YarAdua. According to Donelson (2008), The Bold Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta has sent militants in boats through heavy seas to attack the Bonga oil fields more than 65 miles from land, temporarily shutting down production of more than 200,000 barrels a day. But there are also other groups, such as white-collar oil workers threatening the supply of oil if their negotiation demands are not met. But the main issue the US faces is competition from other countries, especially from China. Donelson (2008) points out that the Angola supplied almost as much oil (465,000 barrels daily) to China as they did to the US in 2007 and that number will almost certainly go up as a report by the Council of Forei gn Relations states: â€Å"Beijing secured a major stake in future oil production in 2004 with a $2 billion package of loans and aid that includes funds for Chinese companies to build railroads, schools, roads, hospitals, bridges, and offices; lay a fiber-optic network; and train Angolan telecommunications workers† (Donelson, 2008: 2). The President of Angola, Jose Eduardo dos Santos served as his partys, (MPLA) representative to China, after receiving his degree from the Azerbaijan Oil and Chemistry Institute in the old USSR. This was shortly before he became president. The relationship between dos Santos and the US is not build on a solid foundation and is to say the least very unreliable. There is no guarantee that the country will live up to its promise of providing the US with a continuous supply of oil, after such a long time of instability and civil war. With two of the top seven U.S. oil suppliers vulnerable to supply disruptions at any moment; is it any wonder that the American military presence in Africa is slated for the major expansion (Donelson, 2008). In a nutshell, before moving on to the strategic-choice analysis, what are the motivations for the US and China to enter the SSA oil market? Trade and economical intentions are high on Chinas African business agenda, offloading Chinese products in the host countries in exchange for oil and other resources. Traditionally, African states relied on western colonial powers for economic aid and influence. However, the situation is slowly changing with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa. The supply of oil in return for investments and other economical incentives are the driving force for petroleum producing states to establish relations with China. SSA is a source of growing importance in the supply of oil. The region is likely to become as important a source of US energy imports as the Middle East. The US is in competition for access to oil, not only to China but also with India and Europe. Therefore, the US interest in SSA includes promoting democracy, good govern ance and transparency in economies of petroleum producing states, along with establishing a strong military command to protect its oil interests and monitor the actions of militant groups.  Ã‚   However, diplomacy is an effective tool if preferences and policy beliefs are formulated around certain goals. This is what the next chapter is going to achieve, investigating the policy beliefs of the US and China and the way it contributes to effective oil diplomatic measures.   US-Sino Oil Diplomacy in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Strategic-Choice Analysis During the twentieth century, US and Chinas preference thinking regarding Africa was greatly influenced by ideological thinking. The contest between establishing democracy or communism in Africa was evident of US-Chinese intervention on the African continent. The US followed liberalization policies to free oppressing regimes from authoritarian, communist rule, while China viewed Africa as an open domain to introduce communism. A result of these opposing preferences by the US and China was that African countries were introduced to different ideological doctrines, which laid the foundation for African countries to establish their own state goals. Hostility of certain petroleum producing states toward cooperation with either the US or China, favoring one state over the other because of ideological and economical preferences, domestic conflict in Nigeria, violations of human rights in Sudan, the war on terror in conjunction with Muslim extremism and the general poor living and health con ditions in SSA, are factors that limit the American and Chinese governments to implement successful strategies. On the other hand, the US and China can certainly benefit from the individual preferences of state leaders and actors in the oil industry. For example, the goals of multinational oil corporations and the individual beliefs of business leaders contribute to the formulation of a national grand strategy for SSA.   In analyzing the strategic interest of the US in the SSA oil setting, the ideological preference of the US to promote democracy and good governance in African countries is a condition when strategies based on democratic principles are to be devised. â€Å"Oil is where you find it. Oil companies cannot always invest in democratically governed countries. It would be ideal if it could be guaranteed that the head of an African country where a US oil company invested was, in fact, an advocate of democracy and always respected human rights. Unfortunately, that is not a realistic expectation in todays Africa or in most other oil producing regions of the world. It is important to urge and cajole and to nudge the leaders of the oil producing countries towards establishing inclusive democracies and good governance† (Wihbey, Schutz, 2002: 4). This is the task of US diplomacy. In Sudan, the US government is supporting the initiatives of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative ( EITI) (The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, 2007). Countries that underwrite the initiatives and programs of the EITI have preferences toward establishing good governance principles in countries that depend on the extraction of natural resources, and to eradicate the exploitation of these resources. Initiatives that seek to promote good governance principles can only be successful if the supporting countries maintain these same good government principles at home. The SSA oil strategic setting allows for many actors, whether they are governmental institutions, non-governmental institutions, non-state actors or individuals, such as the residents of the Niger delta and Southern Sudan and the multitude of multinational oil corporations (MNCs), to formulate their own goals and pursue unique strategies. However, environmental constrains, such as transportation difficulties and inaccessibility of areas in the Niger Delta, further accentuates the problem actors experience to reach solutions on common grounds. Then there are also religious divisions between Muslims and Christians, ethnic conflicts between the different tribes living in the Niger Delta, the self-interested or ambitious goals of MNCs in the central government. These factors are all having an immoralizing effect on the negotiation process. Rebel groups operating from the Niger Delta, some of which pursue their own agendas and others, which are in unison with the goals of religious and ethnic groups, are at the moment taking the main stage in setting preferences for Niger Delta peace talks. The movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND)can be cited as a group that has extremely hostile feelings toward the presence of foreign and in particular western oil companies (The movement for the emancipation of the Nige r Delta, 2011). In a January 2006, MEND warned the oil industry: It must be clear that the Nigerian government cannot protect your workers or assets. Leave our land while you can or die in it. Our aim is to totally destroy the capacity of the Nigerian government to export oil† (Hanson, 2007: 2). One can assume from this statement, that MEND has a preference for the protection of their land from foreign invasion. They voice strong, emotional concern over foreign oil workers occupying their land and will take extreme measures expelling these oil workers from their land. Whether, they really are interested in finding solutions to the ongoing delta conflict is an open question. Their findings are that anti-government groups, supporting the goals of Muslim extremists and anti-western lobbyists are greatly responsible for the chaos and anarchy characterizing the situation in the delta. Accusations that western oil companies are destroying the natural habitat of certain fish populations and are responsible for the ethnic conflict are treated with contempt by oil companies, such as Shell and ExconMobil, (Howden, 2006) both which invested heavily in the Nigerian oil industry. Oil operations of these companies are conducted in harmony with the natural environment, and that one of their missions is to protect the Niger Delta from over-exploitation and unnecessary pollution. It is all a question of respecting the rights of citizens living in the area and caring about the natural environment, which is an aspect that is neglected by foreign oil companies operating in the Delta. In making a final analysis regarding the preferences of the actors in the Nigerian conflic t, it is necessary that common ground has to be found between the actors. An environment where actors pursue harmonious interests will be beneficial to all. As long as the local residents view foreign oil workers as intruders on their land, pursuing ambitious, and self-interested goals and not returning revenue into local community development programs, the chances that a final solution to the conflict be reached, are small. If one or both of these powers can accept the role of mediator, laying down guidelines for further negotiations, the negotiation process will enjoy a substantial boost. This mediating role will not only help the conflicting parties, but will in effect put the concept of energy security on the negotiating table. On the other hand, for parties to commence a mediating role, they should have an unbiased attitude toward the conflicting parties. Both these countries have strong and clear intentions to use oil diplomacy to their own benefit and manipulate the results in the SSA oil strategic setting. In SSA, AFRICOM is set out to achieve military dominance on the African continent and establish military strategic partnerships with petroleum producing countries. Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe and Angola along the west coast of Africa are the main hotspots for US and Chinese oil interests. Nigeria is the biggest exporter of oil in the region, and in the last five years had allocated valuable oil drilling licenses to US and Chinese oil companies. Nigeria already supplies the oil needs of these two giants, especially to the US. Sao Tome and Principe and Nigeria (Sao Tome, Nigeria sign oil deal with US-led consortium, 2005) signed a milestone contract to give a consortium led by the US based oil company, ChevronTexaco, rights to drill in the two countries shared Gulf of Guinea oil exploration zone. China has secured four oil-drilling licenses from Nigeria in the last three years. In exchange, China will invest US$4bn in oil and infrastructure projects in Nigeria (BBC News, 2006). Nigeria, Africas top oil exporter, has long been viewed by China as a partner. From the recent contracts allocated by the governments of Nigeria and Sao Tome and Principe to US and Chinese based oil companies, it becomes clear that US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA focus on establishing long-lasting relationships (BBC News, 2006). The giant Chinese state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corporation, CNOOC, has reached a deal to buy a 45 percent stake in a Nigerian oil field for more than US$2 billion. The purchase, if approved by both governments, would be Chinas first major venture into oil-rich Nigeria. Analysts say the Nigerian bid will not be easy for CNOOC, which has no experience in dealing with Nigeria, a country rated as a difficult place to do business. The international anti-corruption group Transparency International ranks the country as the sixth most corrupt nation in the world. The American oil company Chevron did not bid on this block, and that would imply they did not believe the values were there. So this is certainly a hurdle which CNOOC will have to overcome. Chinese and Nigerian governments will sign two important agreements: one on economic and technology cooperation and a memorandum of understanding on developing a strategic partnership. China is offering assistance in the form of building new tanker terminals, refineries and possible pipelines to export the oil from remote regions to the coast for easy loading (Ramirez, 2006). China is streamlining the oil infrastructure in SSA, according to their specific needs. This is an infrastructure that on the one hand satisfies their oil demands, but on the other hand leaves the host country no choice but to become dependent on the Chinese oil expertise.The result is that petroleum producing countries in the long run will be more dependent on Chinese investments to sustain their economies, rather than China being dependent on their oil imports. This interaction clearly indicates that Chinas preferences are shaped on establishing some sort of economic superiority over their oil strategic partners and forcing petroleum producing states to be dependent on Chinese intervention. If China has more control over the oil affairs of host countries, it will give them a stronger bargaining base and increase their strategic advantage. The longterm goal of countries that seek to control the economies of its trading partners is to transform economic gains into security gains, so that in the long run, economics and security are inseparable (Snidal, 1993: 73). When China can control the economies of petroleum producing states, it will have strong incentives to move one step further and create military strategic partnerships. The supply of military equipment, providing of nuclear technology, and perhaps positioning of Chinese troops in petroleum producing states, as overseers of its oil operations, cannot be excluded from its African engagement strategy. By successfully negotiating with petroleum producing states and gaining diplomatic prestige, the other state will immediately be in a less favorable situation. In doing so, the preferences will have a stronger strategic value and gives stronger bargaining power. Strategic values or interests are valued not for themselves, but for their contribution to the protection or promotion of other interests in the future. They are â€Å"interests defined in terms of power†, to recall Morgenthaus memorable phrase (Snyder, 1997: 23). The motivation for the US and China is to try and establish alignments with petroleum producing states. In this way, they their strategic values will be more clearly defined and they can implement strategies to control certain oil fields, offshore oil rigs, pipelines and sea passages. The indication is that the sea around the west coast of Africa, stretching from Nigeria in the north to Angola in the south, is expected to raise problems concerning the transpo rtation of future oil supplies. Because the US and China both have to use these sealanes to transport crude oil and gas, it might become a point of conflict. Determining Preferences Preference determination is typically specified in one of three ways: by assumption, by observation and by deduction (Frieden, 1999, p. 53). The objective with this section is to explore these ways and determine their analytical value in the context of the actors preferences in the SSA oil strategic setting, with the main emphasis being on the US and China. Because the US and China both have energy security interests, they have formulated energy security policies at the national level, and these policies are based on assumptions of realism or liberalism. Determining the preferences of the US and China by deducing preferences from these assumptions will offer one of the most analytically satisfying routes to see what specific preferences they hold in the SSA oil strategic setting. It is easiest to assume preferences. In the principal application in international relations to the preferences of nation-states, the simplest assumption might be that states attempt to maximize national wel fare, or assume that states maximize national resources (Frieden, 1999: 53). A comparison between the preferences of economics and the preferences of international politics shows that there are distinctions with regards to the actors involved and the goals they pursue. In economics, there is limited variation in the cast of characters, particularly firms and individuals. Firms prefer profit maximization and individuals prefer wealth maximization (Niou, Ordeshook. Rose, 1999: 54). However, international politics involves individuals, firms, groups, nation-states, international organizations and transnational actors. The preferences of ChevronTexaco and Chinas Petroleum and Chemical Corporation (Sinopec), may in general terms be homogenous, they are engaged in every aspect of the oil and natural gas industry in the SSA oil industry, including exploration and production, refining, marketing and transportation, chemicals, manufacturing and sales (The leadership functions of Chevron Texaco , 2007). However, the reality is that American and Chinese oil companies operating in SSA are in effect not only serving the interests of the oil industry and acting as channels for the procurement of oil imports for their local economies, but they also serve as useful instruments in the hands of politicians to control and manipulate the oil industries of the agent states. Expansion of US and Chinese oil operations in SSA since the start of the twenty first century are providing them with more power on the continent. The direct result of gaining more power in the oil industry is that the petroleum producing states are getting entangled in a web of either American or Chinese influence. This influence is leading to a state of dependency of petroleum producing states on US and Chinese involvement in their oil industries. In terms of economic considerations, the US and China prefer different outcomes in their oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states. The US regards the pursuing of economical interests a